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House of Cards
by Institute for Popular Democracy •
Friday, Jul. 30, 2004 at 10:40 PM
Following the results of the recently concluded elections, there was a lot of talk about the rebirth of one party dominance. It was the sweep of the administration coalition, which secured the presidency, vice presidency and an overwhelming majority in Congress that led to such pronouncements. This so-called historic episode is likened to the monopoly of the Nacionalista Party in the 1930s and 1940s.
Today, those forecasting the return of the strong party are looking particularly at Congress as a significant indicator. For one, Lakas-CMD, a prime mover within the K4 coalition, garnered 98 seats in the House. This figure is said to surpass the seats obtained by all the other parties within the coalition combined. Including the seats won by other parties within the coalition, it appears that the K4 mustered a formidable legislative bloc in the incoming 13th congress that’s strongly aligned with the administration. With such an overwhelming victory, it has been asserted that the GMA administration will finally have the command to institute administrative and legislative reforms. After the chaotic and bleak scenario painted in the last election, this has been taken as a positive turn, an event that’s said to usher in a new period in Philippine politics.
Recent turn of events seem to be proving otherwise. Underneath this solid legislative scaffolding is a situation influx. The House looks rock-solid on the outside, but closer scrutiny reveals a tenuous situation and a delicate cohesion. To begin with, despite Lakas-CMD’s overwhelming victory, there have been developments in the House casting doubt to Jose De Venecia’s hold to the speakership. Pervasive accounts of party switching even before the formal start of congress shores up this apparent contradiction.
Early on, the main beneficiary of rampant ship-jumping seemed to be LAKAS-CMD, increasing their command in congress to over a hundred seats that supposed to be enough to assure JDV of the speakership. As the days move closer to the opening of Congress, another bloc within the K4 coalition has emerged and expanded, bringing to light fissures in what’s supposedly a durable administration coalition.
The resurrection of KAMPI is spearheaded by figures close to the President. On top of the list is the President’s son Juan Miguel Arroyo (2nd district, Pampanga), brother-in-law Ignacio Arroyo (5th district, Negros Occidental) and chief political operator Ronaldo Puno (1st district, Antipolo). The main objective of KAMPI, they say, is to advocate reforms in the 13th congress and ensure that the president’s legislative agenda is achieved.
From four congressional candidates, Kabalikat ng Malayang Pilipino (KAMPI), President Arroyo’s original party, is said to have as many as 110 congresspersons in its fold. LAKAS seems to be the main loser in this raid, with its numbers purportedly cut down to as low as sixty. One report even brandished that KAMPI only needs 8 more to determine and dictate the next speaker. This led to a curious alliance between quintessential politician JDV and some 17 party-list groups. At the same time, other parties similarly take part in the frenzied scramble for key committees. In order to accommodate some form of compromise, talks of term-sharing as well as the recent increase in the number of committees up for grabs were explored. In a situation that’s so volatile, even the so-called marginalized can provide the tipping point. In a situation that’s so delicate, those who wheel and deal do not see crisis. They see opportunity.
While KAMPI is not floating any names to contest JDV’s leadership, the group is surely using this leverage to muscle its way to crucial committees. The most coveted committees are the Committees on Appropriation and Ways and Means, said to be key in a system that thrives on political strength through patronage. KAMPI and JDV are eyeing different people in this regard. For appropriations, KAMPI is lobbying for Rep. Joey Salceda of Albay, while De Venecia is pushing for Rep. Rolando Andaya of Camarines Sur. For ways and means, Rep. Herminio Teves of Negros Oriental (LAKAS-CMD) and Rep. Jesli Lapus of Tarlac (NPC) are the candidates of LAKAS and KAMPI respectively. In this scenario, cleavages among former allies become stark, where contestation takes place internally among supposed members of the administration coalition.
Another interesting facet has surfaced in this ruckus. One apparent motivation of KAMPI’s revival is a CHA-CHA initiative led by JDV that’s expected to catapult him as prime minister. The disjunction between KAMPI and LAKAS goes beyond their disagreement regarding the mode charter change ought to take. KAMPI is for constitutional convention and JDV is for constituent assembly. More than this, it’s JDV’s transition plan that threatens to cut short the president’s fresh six years.
In this respect, GMA’s silence thus far is worth more than a thousand words. With the president typecast as the political segurista, GMA’s part in KAMPI’s machinations is vulnerable to interpretation. Now that she has the electoral mandate and six years in the bag, is GMA poised to contest the LAKAS stronghold? Is this an extension of her pragmatism designed to put JDV in check? Is there really room for reform in this administration?
Ironically, the unfolding episode confirms a daunting reality that underscores the urgency of much-needed changes. Political parties are meaningless paper coalitions watered down by scheming trapos whose main concern is political sustenance and survival rather than programmatic leadership. In this respect, where does one locate the renaissance of the solid political party? One only has to remember how the monopoly of the Nacionalista Party was finally broken. Along with a new president emerged the new power bloc-to-contend-with, dividing the so-called strong party.
Even before the formal start of the 13th Congress, we’re presented the difference between rhetoric and reality. Rather than strong parties, we find strong operators. Rather than reform, we see wheeling and dealing. Rather than political will, we witness political pragmatism. In the waning of the regime of the weather-weather, are we entering the age of kampi-kampi?
Meanwhile, we have a crisis in governance ready to implode.
Aya Fabros
Research Associate
Democracy Watch Department
Institute for Popular Democracy
www.ipd.ph
